24, loses 82-year-old wife

Man, 24, loses 82-year-old wife

Mr Waveqche began living with Ms Volpes (R) when he was 15

An 82-year-old Argentine woman who attracted media attention last month when she married a 24-year-old man has died as a result of heart problems.

Adelfa Volpes was admitted to hospital soon after she and her new husband, Reinaldo Waveqche, returned from their honeymoon in Brazil.

She died in a sanatorium in Santa Fe, the city where the couple were married.

Ms Volpes had rejected criticism over the age difference with the groom, who is the son of one of her best friends.

"I don't want to resign myself to the idea that I lost her," a disconsolate Mr Waveqche told EFE news agency.

The couple were married on 28 September in a civil service after several years of engagement, and later walked through a local church surrounded by reporters.

Their love is said to have blossomed when Mr Waveqche went to live with his future bride after his mother's death, when he was 15.

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Lost star 'ashamed' over arrest

Lost follows the lives of plane crash survivors on a mysterious island

Lost actor Daniel Dae Kim has said he is "deeply ashamed and embarrassed" about his arrest on suspicion of drink-driving in Hawaii.

"It saddens me to know that I jeopardised the welfare of the kind people of Hawaii, a community that I love and call my home," he said.

Kim, 39, who plays tough guy Jin-Soo Kwon in the drama, added that he would fully co-operate with police.

He was released on bail after being stopped by police early on Thursday.

Police said the actor had been driving erratically and was found to have a blood-alcohol level that measured twice the legal limit.

"To my friends, family, colleagues and fans, thank you for your kind words of support," said Kim.

"To those I have disappointed I can only ask that you accept my heartfelt apologies. I am truly, truly sorry."

The South Korean-born actor will appear in court on 23 November.

Kim - an original cast member - is the fourth Lost actor to be arrested for a traffic offence in Hawaii, where the popular TV series is filmed.

In 2005, former co-stars Michelle Rodriguez and Cynthia Watros pleaded guilty to driving while over the legal limit.

Rodriguez, who played Ana Lucia, was sentenced to five days in jail and $357 (£174) in fines.

Watros, seen on the show as the character Libby, had her driving licence suspended for 90 days and paid a $312 (£152) fine.

And last year, Adewale Akinnuoye-Agbaje, known as Mr Eko in Lost, was arrested for a traffic offence, and was accused of disobeying a police officer and driving without a licence.

The charges against him were later dropped, however.

Myanmar: The Brutal Golden Land I Fancy

OPINION
Myanmar: The Brutal Golden Land I Fancy By M.S.Shah Jahan - Daily Mirror It was shocking to see the demonstration, in a country that is deemed a pariah, with no freedom of expression, no rule of law where a 34 year old woman activist, Aung Sang Soo Kyi, who came out of prison only last year after serving seven months for reporting forced labour to U.N, was clearly seen in the forefront, shouting slogans. Though thugs employed by the government tried to take her into their vehicle, she escaped with the help of a sympathetic run down taxi driver. What prompted the unarmed innocent people to dare automatic rifles, for the first time after 1988 massacre? It was sheer desperation of the stomach. Normally Burmese are soft spoken and hardly one can see another talking louder or shouting in public or in their famous roadside tea shop chatting, as it was the only source of knowing current affairs since the government controlled media is overly biased. As six out of ten people on the road are said to be CIDs, government spies or informers, people whisper mouth to ear to whom they know only, not to strangers. This is the mantra the Government of Union of Myanmar propagates to her citizens: Don’t be frightened whenever intimated, Don’t be bolstered whenever flattered Don’t be softened whenever appeased Oppose those relying on external elements acting as stooges, holding negative views Oppose those trying to jeopardize stability of the State and progress of the nation Oppose foreign nations interfering in internal affairs of the State Crush all internal and external destructive elements as the common enemy The city of Yangon, which the Indian bearded Sikh soldiers serving the British who had their Head quarters here for the East, are accused of mispronouncing it as Rangoon, and Burma for Myanmar, is a quiet city. No teething of horns, no noise making tuk tuk vehicles like in Bangkok or like our Bajaj trishaws are seen here. Any thing that makes a sound similar to gun shooting is an anathema to Generals. The fact is those who live by the gun are scared of the gun. Strange, isn’t it? Western media’s assertion that Burmese asked for democracy was wrong as youngsters do not know what democracy is since the country has been under military rule for the past 45 years. The opposition is now quietly explaining to people ‘Democracy means the generals can’t drive luxury vehicles while people starve’. Protestors shouted ‘Democracy Democracy’, but those words give support to Aung Sang Soo Kyi. In Myanmar no one has the guts to pronounce her full name in public or even the word ‘Daw’, means Madam, due to fear of arrest. When passing through, if you turn your head to the bylane called University Avenue Road where Madam lives, trouble will follow you. Myanmar’s intelligence service is so capable that one might say it would outsmart even the CIA or KGB. Only those who were privileged to go abroad could understand democracy. But the country issues 500 to 1,000 passports only for a year that is valid for not more than 12 months. But it is a big headache facing many conditions like submitting income tax returns, property deeds or deposit of some money etc. which will be forfeited if one doesn’t return on time. Read what a businessman said on New York Times dated Oct 15. “I joined the peaceful demonstration to show my support. I would do it again. I don’t agree with sanctions on Myanmar. Of course, I may be biased because I’m a businessman. My own experience of travelling to other countries opened my mind and changed my life. I love the freedom I find in the United States. It was something I had never experienced. If I hadn’t spent time abroad, I would have ended up as a military man. Or else I could have been an informer exposing the conversation we’re having right now”. Burma was once next to Japan in riches and known as the granary of the East. At one time it supplied rice to India and Ceylon to meet famines. The saying there is, ‘this is a golden land-no one ever starves here’. That is why the military could last so long. The cost of living was very low but so was the income. A family of 3 or 4 could manage 3 meals for SLR 50 a day with rice and vegetables. Annual income per person is SLR 25, 000, as Western sanction ruins job creation. 90% people who live below poverty line today feel even one meal a day would become luxury. Crime rate is very low and you will be amazed to see customers carrying cash from banks so openly, like we would carry a pound of bread with our bare hands. Road transport is severely inadequate with dilapidated buses and one can see many walking back home from Yangon wearing ‘lungyi’ [sarong] with a swinging lunch carrier in hand. Many commuters could not afford the hiked bus fare to work places so they started walking up and down. This made them to erupt. Unlike Sri Lankans, Burmese walk miles. For instance if you ask a passerby ‘where is this place?’ the answer probably would be,”Oh, very near only 30 minutes walk”. If you were to ask ‘How many miles?’ They would answer ‘Five miles’. The government could have stood by without a price increase if not for the ‘Sigiriya’ they built at a cost of many millions of dollars in fear of ‘Mugalan’. Well, the new capital, as per the suggestion of astrologers, Naypyidaw, 240 miles away from Rangoon, in order to be out of the way of people or people’s anger, and also to guard from a foreseeable attack by a destructive element, namely US, tightened their already squandered money position. The English film currently running at the Naypyidaw Cinema and the Tamada Cinema in Yangon is Die Hard 4.0. Does it refer to the fate of Burmese people too? I wonder. Besides, Buddhist monks who go to people to collect their daily alms saw the hardship people faced, and they on behalf of citizens came to the streets. “The monks are the only ones who really have the trust of people, when they speak up people listen. They feel their pain, and they cannot just sit back idly.” one said. But the monk’s expectation of the soldiers to be men of conscience who wouldn’t blindly obey their superiors to attack priests whom they revere in their daily life, totally went wrong when they were chased, kicked and beaten to bleed. Al Jazeera showed a special account. The most lucrative career in Myanmar is to be a Tatmadaw (Army, Navy and Air), though the official salary is only SLRs.500 for a month, food coupon, living quarters, extra allowances make a soldier’s life quite comfortable. In brief soldiers are kept in the good books, being bribed as they are the only allies. The military runs kindergartens, medical schools and technical schools exclusively for their kith and kin. Civil administration is entirely handled by the army appointing ministers. Corruption is the way of life from top to bottom. It is rampant in the import export trade. The official exchange rate is 1$ = 6 Kyat [Chaat] while the unofficial rate is 1,300 per dollar. Off the bank deals are done on unofficial rate. Any commercial venture needs an unofficial ‘sponsor’, a minister, an officer or one closely connected to them. Your prosperity depends on how powerful your ‘sponsor’ is. When he falls from grace you too would go to dog’s house, leaving your project incomplete with severe financial loss. The regime directly deals with timber, natural gas and gems, proceeds of which are supposedly not benefited by the people and the government spends pittance for education and $10 per person for health. A Dubai based conglomerate, dealing with cement, fertliser etc. in SL, was exporting teak from Burma bidding from government auction. Once, as the Teak price shot high in international market, the government refused to oblige the agreed price causing huge loss to the bidder who closed office in disgust. When locally assembled Suzuki Wagon, a proto type car was introduced four years ago, it was allocated only to army officers, forcing others to buy from them on open paper paying a premium. Throughout the world, this was how from Hitler and Mussolini to Than Shwe, every evil minded army chief kept his folks happy. Any condemnation of the armed forces is considered treachery. Local telephone service is horrible. An overseas call costs $5 per 3 minute call from the timebell rings. Unbelievable news is, three years ago when mobile phone connectivity was introduced with Chinese fund, in a country of 56 million, 3000 SIM cards, without SMS facility, were sold in no time to selected people on a flat price of US$ 3,000 per card which today change hand on premium or on hire $50 a month. No mobile roaming facility, no credit card, no TC’s, no Yahoo, no Hotmail while internet is restricted and email is monitored, G mail goes through local ISP. The Junta is famous for his lunatic superstitious beliefs following astrologers. Driving was shifted from left to right with right hand vehicles. Nine is military’s auspicious number. In order to anger the authorities the protesters in September had a successful campaign for three evenings to bang on the pots, pans and other metal objects at 7; 02 p.m., 8; 01 p.m., and 9 p.m. The Junta finally responded unleashing brutal attack on 27/09/2007. Don’t you see 9 here? The military’s argument to be in power is to suppress the separatist claims of some tribes like Karen [Christians], Shan, Chin, out of 135 tribes Burma has. Well, had the majority tribe treated the minorities equal and taken care for the fraction of the money spent today on arms, there would have not been any separatist claims in any country. Myanmar is a heaven on earth but made hell by Tatmadaw. Lord Buddha said ‘nothing is permanent in this world’. We hope, so too.

The month to remember The Mahatma

A life as it was
October - the month to remember The Mahatma

Menika - The Friday's News

It was that other great Indian, Rabindranath Tagore, who coined the honorific title, ‘Mahatma’ to preface Mohandas Gandhi’s name, which meant ‘great soul’. This was around 1915, soon after Gandhi returned to India from South Africa after inaugurating his satyagraha method to right injustices meted out to coloured peoples, particularly Indians. Coincidentally, both Gandhi and Tagore, along with other Indians of the organised National Congress, returned the honours bequeathed upon them by the British government. Gandhi was awarded the Kaiser-i-Hind (Emperor of India) medal for services to the British Empire. This he returned to the British government. Nobel Laureate and national poet Tagore resigned his British knighthood soon after Brig. Gen Reginald Dyer’s mass murder of Indians in the Jallianwala Bagh, Amritsar, on April 13, 1919, when they gathered peacefully to celebrate a Sikh festival.

Loads have been written about Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, mostly in deep reverence of this saint. He himself wrote his autobiography: Gandhi: an autobiography: the story of my experiments with truth. October, as I said, sends our minds anew to remember him since he was born on October 2, 1869.
Latterly writers have written about his quirks, which certainly he had. He has been elevated to sainthood, and justifiably. He is by all counts the greatest man of the 20th century, beating by lengths the other person voted to this position by the western world, namely Winston Churchill.
We could also justifiably say he is the second or third greatest Indian of all time, coming third to Siddhartha Gotama, the Buddha, and Emperor Asoka the Great.
But idiosyncrasies the Mahatma did have.

I’ve been reading Alex von Tunzelmann’s Indian Summer: the secret history of the end of empire. The word ‘secret’ immediately connotes expectations of hidden facts, OK gossip, mostly human idiosyncrasies being revealed, and they are, like the very close relationship enjoyed by Nehru and Edwina Mountbatten. And so are revealed some of the quirks of the Great Mahatma himself, which to me definitely do not diminish his stature, but enhance it by showing he was a human being with human foibles who reached beyond and above them in his attempt to take himself and others closer to God (the Hindu god in this case, but Gandhi did revere all religions) and to almost kill himself through starving to attain peace between warring Hindus and Moslems and to gain independence for India from British rule.

Idiosyncrasy one
Gandhi swore to the vow of celibacy in 1906, where brahmacharya meant control not only of the sexual urge but of the senses in thought, word and deed. Now I personally have to quarrel with his making others take the vow. He almost forced it on Kasturba, his wife, but that was not too difficult for her since she was his faithful wife and followed him in everyway in true Indian style. But he promoted, even enforced brahmacharya in his ashram in Gujerat where he: “broke up several marriages by persuading woman to renounce sex.”

He was getting more and more distant from his sons. I quote from Tunzelmann’s book. “By the middle of the 1920s, his relationship with them had become extremely difficult. When 18-year-old Manilal was caught in an embrace with a young, married Indian woman, Mohandas coerced her into shaving her head and extracted from Manilal a vow of lifelong chastity. In 1926, still languishing under his vow, Manilal fell in love with a Muslim woman called Fatima. Mohandas was outraged. “Your desire is against your religion” he wrote to Manilal. The son did not marry Fatima. Even when the youngest son Devadas fell in love with Chakravarty Rajagopalachari’s daughter, the couples were asked to delay marriage for five years, which they did and then wed.
Gandhi considered birth control a sin since it “allowed a person to indulge his animal passion and escape the consequences of his act.” Nehru was totally opposed to this idea, and Gandhi’s advocating total abstinence from sex.

Idiosyncrasy two
Gandhi’s aversion to medicine, especially western medicine, was another idea that we do not subscribe to now, in that he could follow it but it was not justified in forcing the idea on others.
While Gandhi was in prison, in December 1943, Kasturba fell ill with bronchitis which soon deteriorated to pneumonia. Doctors advised Gandhi to stay away from his wife, but he believed not in germ theory so took it upon himself to nurse the ailing woman. Penicillin was prescribed but Gandhi did not administer it to her, rather did he want her to pray for her recovery. Son Devadas had penicillin flown in from Calcutta but though he fought with his father to have the medicine injected, the father remained adamant. Instead he surrounded the dying woman with his followers who sang devotional songs. Kasturbai pleaded for castor oil to relieve her; he refused it.
“A patient should never try to be his or her own doctor. I would like you to give up medicine now.”

Harilal, another son, arrived drunk and so was not allowed to see his mother, though she “sobbed and beat her forehead with her hands.” She died the next day and Mohandas was devastated. Sushila Nayyar visited the sorrowing man that night. “How God has tested my faith,” he said. “If I had allowed you to give her penicillin, it could not have saved her. But it would have meant bankruptcy of faith on my part... And she passed away in my lap. Could it be better? I am happy beyond measure.” After his sons disposed of the ashes, Gandhi cried.

Idiosyncrasy three
Much is written now about Gandhi’s later habit of sleeping with a nude or half nude young girl in his room, testing his strength to keep his vow of chastity and his emotions free of desire. An example is Gandhi’s grandniece, Abha, sleeping next to him when she was sixteen and he 74.
There were many other quirks which people still do not understand.

Churchill’s condemnations
We are familiar with the truly abominable comment Churchill made on seeing a picture of Gandhi visiting the Viceroy in Delhi. His comment to Irvin: “a seditious Middle Temple lawyer, now posing as a fakir of a type well-known in the East, is striding half -naked up the steps of the Viceregal Palace.” Irvin ignored him and later when asked whether Gandhi had been very tiresome, Irwin replied: “Some people found Our Lord very tiresome.”

On Gandhi’s fasts Churchill commented: “I do not think Gandhi has the slightest intention of dying. And I imagine he has been eating better meals than I have for the past week.” As the author of Indian Summer comments: “This was an overstatement. Even outside his fasts, Gandhi was not known to open a bottle of wine at breakfast.” (!). Churchill even had the audacity to think that Gandhi was taking glucose while on his fasts unto death and wanted this covertly investigated. Churchill also wrote to Viceroy Linlithgow: “I have long known Gandhi as the world’s most successful humbug. I am suggesting slyly to certain American correspondents here that it has not been so much a matter of having their heartstrings plucked as of their legs being pulled. What fools we should have been to bend before all his bluff and sob-stuff.”

But in spite of the controversy that surrounded the Mahatma and surrounds his memory even now, he was absolutely charismatic and he charmed people with his sincerity and humour. Nehru was closest to him and like a son; Kamala Nehru adored him as did Edwina Mountbatten, proof of which was the picture of Gandhi entering the viceregal palace during the first week of the Mountbatten couple’s arrival in India, with his arm on Edwina’s shoulder for support and companionship.

Feedback : editor.friday@lakehouse.lk

Matara Binara Perahera, In Photos

The Binara Maha Perahera, was held in Matara town in the full Moon poyaday, of September 2007. It has began from Matara Bohiya, ended at 'Maha Manthinda Pirivena, at Rahula Junction. Binara Perahera , organized by the temple Maha Manthinda Pirivena at Matara. The chief incumbent thera is Getamanne Dhamma Kirthi thero.

I've taken Below pictures , for you , see them.


This was shown on Sirasa TV ,live

S i n h a r a j a

S i n h a r a j a
Biodiversity Hotspot

By Jayasri Jayakody

Singharaja Forest Reserve is the most famous rainforest of the country. This tropical rain forest is a living heritage. Bio diversity of the forest is very high and a large proportion of the flora in this forest is endemic to the country and some are endemic to the Singharaja Forest itself.

This is a very good place to see many endemic birds such as the Ceylon Lorikeet, the Layard’s parakeet, Jungle and Spur Fowl, the Ceylon Wood Pigeon, the Grey Hombill, the Spotted wing Thrush, the Rufous and the Brown- capped Babbler, the Ashy-headed Laughing Thrush, the Ceylon Blue Magpie, the White Headed Starling, the Ceylon Hill Mynah and the Legge’s Flowerpecker. The clear cut roads in to the jungle provide easy access to the forest. This important forest is a Man and Biosphere Forest reserve and it is considered as a World Heritage Site, categorised under IUCN Management Category II (National Park), Biosphere Reserve, Natural World Heritage Site - Criteria ii, IV.

Situated in the south-west lowland wet zone of Sri Lanka, within Sabaragamuwa and Southern provinces, Sinharaja is bounded on the north by the Napola Dola and Koskulana Ganga, on the south and south-west by the Maha Dola and Gin Ganga, on the west by the Kalukandawa Ela and Kudawa Ganga and on the east by an ancient footpath near Beverley Tea Estate and by the Denuwa Kanda.

This narrow strip of undulating terrain consists of a series of ridges and valleys. It is drained by an intricate network of streams, which flow into the Gin Ganga on the southern boundary and Kalu Ganga, via the Napola Dola, Koskulana Ganga and Kudawa Ganga, on the northern boundary. Soils, which largely belong to the red-yellow podzolic group, are well-drained and show very little accumulation of organic matter.

This characteristic is attributed to a combination of favourable climatic conditions, a diverse soil microflora effecting rapid breakdown of organic matter into constituent nutrients, and accelerated uptake and recycling of nutrients by the trees. Clear-felling of the forest, where most of the nutrients are locked up, therefore renders the soil impoverished of essential nutrients and incapable of supporting sustained commercial forestry or agriculture.








Based on meteorological records gathered from in and around Sinharaja over the last 60 years, annual rainfall has ranged from 3614mm to 5006mm and temperatures from 19øC to 34øC. Most precipitation emanates from the south-west monsoons during May-July and the north-east monsoons during November-January. Conditions are dry in February.

Two main types of forest can be recognised. Remnants of Dipterocarpus forest occur in valleys and on their lower slopes, with hora and bu hora present in almost pure stands. Secondary forest and scrub occur where the original forest cover has been removed by shifting cultivation and in other places the forest has been replaced by rubber and tea plantations Mesua-Doona (Shorea) forest, the climax vegetation over most of the reserve, covers the middle and upper slopes above 500m or above 335m.

Na usually predominates in the canopy layer. Of Sri Lanka’s 830 endemic species, 217 trees and woody climbers are found in the lowland wet zone. Of these, 139 (64%) have been recorded in Sinharaja, 16 of which are considered to be rare. Of 211 recorded species of trees and woody climbers, 40% have low population densities (less than or 10 or fewer individuals per 25ha) and 43% have restricted distributions, rendering them vulnerable to further encroachments into the reserve A variety of plants of known benefit to man are present, of which palm kitul (for jaggery, a sugar substitute), wewal (for cane), cardamom (as spice) and weniwal (for medicinal purposes) are used intensively by villagers.

Endemism is high in Sinharaja, particularly for birds with 19 (95%) of 20 species endemic to Sri Lanka present. Endemism among mammals and butterflies is also greater than 50%. Threatened mammals are the leopard and the Indian elephant. The endemic purple-faced langur is present. Birds considered to be endangered or rare are the Sri Lanka wood pigeon, the green-billed coucal, the Sri Lanka white-headed starling, the Sri Lanka blue magpie, and the ashy-headed babbler, all of which are endemic, and the red-faced malkoha. Of interest is the presence of Sri Lanka broad-billed roller, sightings of which have decreased markedly in the last five years. Of the reptiles and amphibia, the python is vulnerable and a number of endemic species are likely to be threatened.

Threatened freshwater fish are the combtail, the smooth-breasted snakehead, the black ruby barb, the cherry barb and the red-tail goby. Of the 21 species of endemic butterfly, the Sri Lanka Rose is vulnerable. The Sri Lankan Five-bar Sword, which is considered to be very rare, is not uncommon in Sinharaja at certain times of the year.

The Sinharaja region has long featured in the legends and lore of the people of Sri Lanka. Its name, literally meaning lion (sinha) king (raja), perhaps refers to the original ‘king-sized or royal forest of the Sinhalese’, a people of the legendary ‘lion-race’ of Sri Lanka or to the home of a legendary lion of Sri Lanka.

There are two villages within the south-west of the reserve, Warukandeniya and Kolonthotuwa, and about 52 families live in the north-western sector. At least 20 other settlements occur on the periphery, an unknown number of which have been illegally established on state land without approval from the relevant authorities. The total population is in excess of 5,000 people The extent to which local people are economically dependent on rain forest resources is variable but about 8% of households might be completely dependent..

Of the many constraints to the protection of Sinharaja, socio-economic ones relating to the people and organisations in the immediate vicinity of the reserve are perhaps among the most important. Encroaching cultivations are probably the biggest problem, particularly along the southern boundary. Contractors open up routes to facilitate logging operations and, although no felling is permitted within 1.6km of the reserve boundary, this may render the reserve more accessible to illicit timber operations. Planting of Honduran mahogany along abandoned logging trails as an enrichment species may lead to displacement of natural species, especially as it is a prolific seed producer. The most important forest produce is firewood, significant quantities of which are used in the production of jaggery.

The traditional use of minor forest products, most important of which are kitul for jaggery and wewal or cane for weaving baskets is now restricted to forest surrounding the reserve. Illicit gem mining was considered to be a serious problem in eastern parts of the reserve. It is organised mostly by wealthy merchants from outside the Sinharaja region and needs to be stopped. The lack of a uniform land-use policy and the multiplicity of governmental and semi-governmental agencies involved in land-use planning in Sri Lanka are the major administrative constraints in evolving a suitable protection plan for Sinharaja.

Some aspects of male sexuality

ALL MEN THINK ABOUT IT ?

Some aspects of male sexuality

- Lakbima Online

Dr. B.J.C.Perera

Human male sexuality encompasses a broad range of issues and processes including male sexual identity, body image, self esteem, personality, myths, sexual behaviour and sexual dysfunction. Some of these are also coloured by dimensions of ethics, morality, theology and statute. Sexuality varies across cultures and regions of the world and has continually changed throughout history. In men, it is more associated with aggression and dominance. The perceived notions of male sexuality are invariably based on the macho mentality and feeling of male superiority. The general behaviour patterns and even the way in which a male would even dress are focussed on this concept.
Sexuality issues change with each generation. In the 1950s and 60s, it was the development and increasing use of the birth control pill, making premarital and extramarital sex increasingly widespread. This evolved into the free love culture of the 1970s. Sexually transmitted diseases were of no particular concern because they could be controlled by powerful antibiotics.

No gulit involved

Anything was possible and sex could be had without love or guilt. HIV and AIDS changed all that. Suddenly free love was far more problematic. The 80s became a decade of increasingly sober attitudes toward sex for both men and women. Other changes have also occurred over the past three or four decades. The divorce rate gradually increased. Fewer and fewer children grew up in families where both parents were actually present and fewer still were nurtured in families where the parents were in a loving, caring stable relationship. What chance did these children have in developing loving, caring relationships themselves? Other components too were of some concern. Despite the widespread availability of birth control measures, the abortion rate was still very high. Illegitimate births were and are going up, even in countries widely known for conservative values. The groups opposed to homosexual rights and the groups attempting to protect and increase homosexual rights under the law are shouting at each other. Religious groups that preach love and acceptance often appear to place that apparently taboo culture of homosexuality in a special place.

Sexual experimentation

Humans learn by utilising their special senses and by experimentation. In a general sense this is true of male sexuality as well. The little boys learn some things on sex by these means over a considerable period of time. Then comes adolescence, a period of uncertainty and doubt, when perhaps knowledge gained from various sources is combined with experimentation. Adult life moulds the many intricacies of sexuality into a definite package of a characteristically unique male. Middle age brings in many other issues that cloud the minutiae of sexuality and old age tends to be the harbinger of certain problems of sexuality.
For both men and women, much of what we learn about the members of the opposite sex is acquired in the early teenage years of post-pubescence. Much of this information, even if not wrong, certainly contains elements of inaccuracy. The values and beliefs developed in the teenage years about the opposite sex are often carried into adulthood with little modification. Teenage girls quickly become convinced that teenage boys are constantly thinking about sex. This observation is perhaps not far from accurate. Many teenage males quickly come to the conclusion that the young women expect them to behave this way, and they are often more than happy to comply with these expectations. Young women quickly begin to believe that young men, as a group, are crude boars, insensitive to the more subtle parts of a relationship. Early on, young women become convinced that the only part of a relationship that matters to men is the sexual ingredient.

The notion of sensitivity and caring somehow get lost in the process. So both men and women enter adulthood with some real misconceptions about sexuality and the role of sex in a relationship. Young men often fear that anything that borders on sensitivity will be interpreted as being somehow “unmasculine” and thus represent inappropriate behavior for a “real” man. Women believe that the only component of intimacy that matters to men is the sexual intercourse part.
Unfortunately, some couples never really get beyond these misconceptions. They muddle through life never really getting what either partner wants out of a relationship. Men don’t really like being viewed by their partners as insensitive clods, but many do not know where or how to begin to change.

The pampered lover

Parents often provide role models in this regard, and young men who grew up in a family where the father was sensitive and caring to the needs and wishes of the mother, sexual and non-sexual, are at a great advantage in developing the requisite skills. Young women who have had the advantage of observing the loving, sensitive and caring relationship of their parents are also at a significant advantage over those who grew up in families where the relationship is weaker or less stable. The importance of all this is that sex is a good deal more enjoyable in a loving and caring relationship. This is true for both men and women.
Ultimately, is sexual preference largely determined by genetics, or does the environment (i.e. family upbringing) matter? That is an interesting and important question. Twenty years ago, the vast majority of psychologists believed that the environment under which a child grew up played a major role in determining sexual preference. Distant or absent fathers along with overbearing mothers were often blamed for same-sex preferences of, particularly, male children. These theories of an environmental (family) basis for sexual preference have been increasingly discounted by researchers, as more credence has been placed on genetics. But even if genetics play a major role in determining ultimate sexual preference, the rules under which the genetic laws must work are not all that simple.
Many women believe that men are happier the more frequently they can have intercourse. This is strictly not really accurate. What men truly enjoy is being aroused with and by their partner while both remain in an aroused state for a long period of time, delaying the ultimate climax for as long as is comfortable and possible. A continuing theme of the story lines in erotic literature is a situation in which the woman arouses the man and keeps him for a long time at a level just below what is needed to achieve final and mutual satisfaction. In achieving marital happiness, it is important for women to learn to do this.
It is generally true to say that men who are considered by women to be “great lovers” did not achieve this because of their skills at physical techniques. Great lovers become great because they are willing to communicate with women about exactly how they want to be turned on without any embarrassment.

Losing the amateur status

In this regard, the man who considers himself to be “less experienced” with “more to learn” may actually be more successful in the lovemaking department than the man who claims to already know everything there is to know about lovemaking. The less experienced man will likely want to communicate with his partner on a continuous basis during the lovemaking session. Interestingly, the ability to communicate needs and feelings during intimate sexual activity often helps build better communication skills in non-sexual areas as well, solidifying the relationship in total.
In lighter vein, males between 20 and 30 years of ago do tend to perform daily; from 30 to 40 years of age about every other day, and from 40 to 50 years of age about weekly. After that not weekly, but weakly. One cannot really put down numbers for the sexual performance for the male of the species.
However, an important area of genuine concern for everybody is the often hidden problem of male sexual dysfunction. There are many psychological and physical causes of the inability of the male to perform sexually.
The incidence definitely increases with age but when it occurs in the younger male, it could be quite devastating. There are ways of helping these unfortunate people and more and more medical personnel are learning ways and means of dealing with such problems. It is generally a complicated set of circumstances that ultimately leads to the predicament and the problem is known to perpetuate itself. In trying to help these people, there is much more to it than just prescribing the so called “wonder drug,” Viagra.

Politics In The week : The Nation

The ravages of police politics, and Ranil’s dilemma!

The independent media and the government media agencies are at logger heads, accusing each other over the issue of media freedom.
While the independent media claims there are many impediments in its way, the government media outfit has the audacity to brand some of the media men who do not support the government in its (government’s) campaign against the LTTE, as traitors.
The Media Centre for National Security has, for a moment, forgotten that the country is fighting a section of its own people and bringing misery to their lives.
Terrorism is not a thing that anybody would condone, but the legitimate rights of the people cannot be overlooked or suppressed in the name of fighting terrorism.
The media is there to expose such shortcomings on the part of the government and on military excesses, which does not augur well for a democratic type of administration.
Human rights violations take foremost place in a country that fights a separatist war for decades, and Sri Lanka is no exception. Human rights are being violated by both the government and the LTTE.
People see these things happening almost everyday but keep silent out of sheer desperation. Motorcades carrying so called VIP’s, who are being maintained by tax payer’s money, have become a sore point for motorists who adhere to the highway code.
In this country, traffic laws are a mockery. The law doesn’t apply to the more privileged class who flout the law at their whims and fancies, while the cops turn a blind eye. There is another class who take the law into their own hands when they are on the road; they are none other than the private bus driver fraternity who do not have any respect for the other road users and break the laws with impunity.
The traffic police are not at all effective and they are on the road to harass the legitimate road users rather than helping them. The other day, senior DIG Bodhi Liyanage addressing the senior policemen said that the Police have so far failed in their duty to protect the citizenry.
What the people see today is not a people friendly Police but a Police department that is out to harass them while protecting the so called VIP’s at the expense of the general public.
Police politics
However, there are exceptions to what is mentioned above. There are policemen who discharge their duties efficiently; who are aware of the travails of the people and act accordingly to create a friendly bond with the Police. There are yet others who implement the rule of law to the very letter, irrespective of the social standing or the status of the person concerned.
One such policeman is Sub Inspector Anura Chandrasiri, who is facing the guillotine now for having done his duty properly. The Sub Inspector in question booked the son-in-law of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) for drink-driving.
At the time of his routine beat, when he booked the IGP’s son-in-law, SI Chandrasiri was not aware of the powerful connections the suspect had until later, when an officer of the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police called at the police station seeking the release of the person concerned.
A Deputy Inspector General of Police hurled verbal abuse at this officer over the phone for having booked the Police VIP’s son-in-law, which, according to this righteous DIG, is against the ‘law.’
The officer, SI Anura Chandrasisri, was transferred out of his station at Rajagiriya following this incident, while the SSP Nugegoda, Deshabandu Tennakoon, is now making several other allegations against this officer—probably to curry favour with the hierarchy in the Police Department.
In the meantime, police officer Chandrasiri sought the intervention of the Police Commission for redress against the injustices brought upon him, while the IGP was busy issuing strict instructions to all Police divisions on the dissemination of news to the media.
IGP suppressing media
By standing order 06/2007, the IGP had addressed all Police divisions on the subject of releasing information to the media. He drew the attention of all senior officers to two earlier circulars issued by the IGP on August 2, 2006 bearing No 1932/06 and circular no 1373/97 dated October 27, 1997 and clause 6 of chapter XLVII of the second volume of the Establishment Code.
The IGP says that although specific instructions and guidelines have been issued as to how officers should act when dealing with the media, there had been instances in recent times where senior police officers and the OIC had deliberately disregarded these guidelines when disseminating news to the media.
Since such instances have been reported recently; the IGP has instructed senior officers that these practices should come to an immediate halt, and emphasised the need to strictly adhere to the provisions stipulated in the circulars mentioned above.
In addition to this, the IGP directed all officers to release information to the media in consultation with the media spokesman Senior DIG Jayantha Wickrameratne, and take note that information can only be released through him, or, as per his directions.
The DIG’s in charge of all divisions have been told to implement this order to the very letter of the law to ensure that nothing adverse leaks out to the media. The circular had been signed by Senior DIG N.K.Illangakoon in charge of Range IV.
The IGP seemed to be cheesed off over the recent media exposures regarding the Police, and, more recently, about his son-in-law’s drink-driving episode. At a time when the people are clamouring for transparency in government departments (especially in the Police department, which has a reputation for high profile corruption among other misdemeanours) and when the media is lobbying for legislation that will enable free access to information, the IGP appears to be on a different footing altogether by trying to suppress the media.
What the IGP should realise is that he should work for the greater good of the people instead of hiding behind his uniform for petty advantage. He should be aware that all of the powers he now enjoys, exist only for the time he holds the top position. There is no point trying to be the most ideal policeman Sri Lanka ever produced after retirement. Therefore, it is imperative for the IGP to be fair to all in discharging his duties, bearing in mind that he, as a public officer, has a responsibility to the general public.
Government’s economic impotence
Besides this, the political landscape in the country seems to be changing once again with Arumugam Thondaman and his party members taking oaths as Ministers and deputy ministers in the present set up, which will further push the UNP’s plan to defeat the government during the November budget. With the CWC joining the government ranks, the equation in Parliament has changed to 117 members for the government and 107 members for the opposition with the scale tilting more towards the ruling party.
Although Thondaman was not too happy with the portfolio he received, he accepted the same old subject allocated to him on the promise of a better portfolio in an impending cabinet reshuffle some time after the Budget, or in early January.
The President is making every effort to see that his government is stable despite the claims made by the main opposition that it is shaky and would fall at any moment, owing to the present status of the government’s economic management.
It is true that the government is facing a severe economic crisis and trying to find ways and means to overcome the problem. The Marxist JVP on the other hand, is criticising the government for its economic impotence, while the government is making a passionate plea for them to join hands with them at least for a year. President Mahinda Rajapaksa made these remarks at the Vapmagul ceremony held in Nikaweratiya recently.
However, the JVP’s Lal Kantha was more sarcastic in describing the government and its programme of work when he said that the President was doing everything other than governing the country properly and putting the economy on the right track.
It appears that the government is clueless on the economic front, unlike the UNP, and has absolutely no idea how they should improve the national economy; this phenomenon has dragged the country into a grave economic crisis. On top of all of this, the President is resorting to popular measures, such as increasing the wages of estate employees, when the tea economy has not done so well in the past few years.
Notwithstanding all of the above, the immediate need of the President is to see that the UNP does not do anything untoward during the Budget, which would compell the President to dissolve Parliament and call for fresh elections, although now it is very unlikely the UNP could do anything given the present position of the party.
No confidence in ‘no-confidence’?
The UNP’s decision to move a ‘no-confidence’ motion against Minister Milinda Moragaoda was faced with opposition as some of the members had not shown a keen interest in doing so.
It was Magala Samaraweera and Sirpathi Sooriaarchchi who had come forward to settle the dossier against Moragoda. In fact, Moragoda had asked for an earlier date to debate the matter and finish it off.
During the initial stages, the UNP leadership found it difficult to convince some of its members to support the matter. Some were of the view that by doing so, they were distancing the members of the UNP democratic group whose support would be essential for the party at a crucial stage. One person who openly advocated the re-entry of the democratic group very recently was none other than the one-time main critic of Karu Jayasuriya and his group, Vajira Abeywardene.
However, in this instance, seniors such as Jayawickrama Perera, John Amaratunga, Joseph Michael Perera, and Amara Piyaseeli Ratnayake were not too happy over the move and the credentials of the people who have been chosen to move the resolution in the House.
UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe did not mind all that but, all the same, did not want to let the matter go before the Secretary General of Parliament with only the signatures of the two defectors from the SLFP. He wanted to add some UNP flavour to the resolution and got Dilip Wedaarchchi from the Hambantota district, to support the move in the House.
Wickremesinghe knows that Dilip is a close associate of Sajit Premadasa. He may have wanted to check the pulse of Sajit too when he selected Dilip Wedaarachchi. Wedaarachchi immediately fired a call to Sajit from Wickremesinghe’s office to ask Sajit whether he should sign the’ no-confidence’ motion against Milinda Moragaoda.
Premadasa, a matured politician, weighed the pros and cons of the situation then and there and told Wedaarachchi to go ahead if the leader wanted him to do so. However, there are misgivings on the part of the UNP parliamentarians over the ‘no-confidence’ motion against Moragaoda since Moragoda himself refused to sign a ‘no-confidence’ motion against Lakshman Seneviratne when he was requested to do so by Chief Government Whip Jeyaraj Fernanadopulle.
What is more interesting is to find out why the UNP moved to initiate a ‘no- confidence’ motion against Moragoda.
Insiders say it was because Moragoda was instrumental in organising a meeting between the President and the business leaders in Colombo, who are more or less UNP supporters and played an important role while Wickremesinghe was Prime Minister from 2001 to 2004.
The meeting was organised some time back, where top businessmen of the likes of Merril Fernando, Eran Wickramaratne, Mohan Pandithage, Nihal Jinasena, Sumal Perera, Shan Fernando, Irwin Weerakkody, Chrishantha Perera, Senaka Rajapaksa, and a host of others were present.
Wickremesinghe made discreet inquires, using mutual friends of the businessmen, and was satisfied that Moragoda was instrumental in the matter and that he was working against the interests of the UNP.
At the meeting with the President, the business leaders brought many matters to his attention, including that of liquor licences not being granted to several boutique hotels including the one located at the Bandaranaike home–‘Tintakel’ at Rosmead Place.
After the discussion was over and when the guests were about to leave, the President made it a point to single out Eran Wickremamratne, Irwin Weerakkody, and Chrishantha Perera and invited them to a separate discussion, where they discussed the current political situation in the country.
It was then the President told them that he was aware of the connection they had with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and that it should not be an impediment to serve the country when the need arises. Thereafter, he explained that whatever it is, he is the President of the country and Ranil Wickremesinghe is fighting his way to reach this position. He also said that the UNP has embarked on a virulent campaign against him at the moment.
The President basically sought their assistance to put the country right in the face of a severe economic crisis.
Most of the insiders of the UNP are of the opinion that the ‘no-confidence’ motion against Milinda Moragoda came into being soon after this meeting, which was seemingly detrimental to the interests of the UNP.
In the meantime, Colombo district UNP parliamentarian M Maharoof has written to the UNP leader that he would not be able to vote with the UNP if the ‘no-confidence’ motion against Moragoda is taken up as intended. Mahroof has ended his letter thus:
“I sincerely hope that we will not be requested to back the proposed no confidence motion against Milinda Moragoda since many will not be supportive of such a move.
Instead of creating more damage to our party by accommodating these two persons (Mangala Samaraweera and Siripathi Sooriarachchi), who in my opinion do not have much political value compared to the seventeen who have left us, it would be better to bring back those seventeen in order to build back party unity and strength so that we could be in a strong position to win a future election.
It may also be a better idea to offer the deputy premiership to a person who has contributed much to the party or consider personalities such as Rukman Senanayake and Sajith Premadasa, whose parents have contributed much of their life time to the UNP.
In finality if the said no confidence motion is taken up, we will be compelled to vote against such a motion, the reason being that Moragoda has been a personal friend and not encouraged political mudslinging on any individual, whereas in my opinion, Mr. Mangala Samaraweera’s credentials are questionable.”

****

Politics In The week : The Nation

The ravages of police politics, and Ranil’s dilemma!

The independent media and the government media agencies are at logger heads, accusing each other over the issue of media freedom.
While the independent media claims there are many impediments in its way, the government media outfit has the audacity to brand some of the media men who do not support the government in its (government’s) campaign against the LTTE, as traitors.
The Media Centre for National Security has, for a moment, forgotten that the country is fighting a section of its own people and bringing misery to their lives.
Terrorism is not a thing that anybody would condone, but the legitimate rights of the people cannot be overlooked or suppressed in the name of fighting terrorism.
The media is there to expose such shortcomings on the part of the government and on military excesses, which does not augur well for a democratic type of administration.
Human rights violations take foremost place in a country that fights a separatist war for decades, and Sri Lanka is no exception. Human rights are being violated by both the government and the LTTE.
People see these things happening almost everyday but keep silent out of sheer desperation. Motorcades carrying so called VIP’s, who are being maintained by tax payer’s money, have become a sore point for motorists who adhere to the highway code.
In this country, traffic laws are a mockery. The law doesn’t apply to the more privileged class who flout the law at their whims and fancies, while the cops turn a blind eye. There is another class who take the law into their own hands when they are on the road; they are none other than the private bus driver fraternity who do not have any respect for the other road users and break the laws with impunity.
The traffic police are not at all effective and they are on the road to harass the legitimate road users rather than helping them. The other day, senior DIG Bodhi Liyanage addressing the senior policemen said that the Police have so far failed in their duty to protect the citizenry.
What the people see today is not a people friendly Police but a Police department that is out to harass them while protecting the so called VIP’s at the expense of the general public.
Police politics
However, there are exceptions to what is mentioned above. There are policemen who discharge their duties efficiently; who are aware of the travails of the people and act accordingly to create a friendly bond with the Police. There are yet others who implement the rule of law to the very letter, irrespective of the social standing or the status of the person concerned.
One such policeman is Sub Inspector Anura Chandrasiri, who is facing the guillotine now for having done his duty properly. The Sub Inspector in question booked the son-in-law of the Inspector General of Police (IGP) for drink-driving.
At the time of his routine beat, when he booked the IGP’s son-in-law, SI Chandrasiri was not aware of the powerful connections the suspect had until later, when an officer of the rank of Assistant Superintendent of Police called at the police station seeking the release of the person concerned.
A Deputy Inspector General of Police hurled verbal abuse at this officer over the phone for having booked the Police VIP’s son-in-law, which, according to this righteous DIG, is against the ‘law.’
The officer, SI Anura Chandrasisri, was transferred out of his station at Rajagiriya following this incident, while the SSP Nugegoda, Deshabandu Tennakoon, is now making several other allegations against this officer—probably to curry favour with the hierarchy in the Police Department.
In the meantime, police officer Chandrasiri sought the intervention of the Police Commission for redress against the injustices brought upon him, while the IGP was busy issuing strict instructions to all Police divisions on the dissemination of news to the media.
IGP suppressing media
By standing order 06/2007, the IGP had addressed all Police divisions on the subject of releasing information to the media. He drew the attention of all senior officers to two earlier circulars issued by the IGP on August 2, 2006 bearing No 1932/06 and circular no 1373/97 dated October 27, 1997 and clause 6 of chapter XLVII of the second volume of the Establishment Code.
The IGP says that although specific instructions and guidelines have been issued as to how officers should act when dealing with the media, there had been instances in recent times where senior police officers and the OIC had deliberately disregarded these guidelines when disseminating news to the media.
Since such instances have been reported recently; the IGP has instructed senior officers that these practices should come to an immediate halt, and emphasised the need to strictly adhere to the provisions stipulated in the circulars mentioned above.
In addition to this, the IGP directed all officers to release information to the media in consultation with the media spokesman Senior DIG Jayantha Wickrameratne, and take note that information can only be released through him, or, as per his directions.
The DIG’s in charge of all divisions have been told to implement this order to the very letter of the law to ensure that nothing adverse leaks out to the media. The circular had been signed by Senior DIG N.K.Illangakoon in charge of Range IV.
The IGP seemed to be cheesed off over the recent media exposures regarding the Police, and, more recently, about his son-in-law’s drink-driving episode. At a time when the people are clamouring for transparency in government departments (especially in the Police department, which has a reputation for high profile corruption among other misdemeanours) and when the media is lobbying for legislation that will enable free access to information, the IGP appears to be on a different footing altogether by trying to suppress the media.
What the IGP should realise is that he should work for the greater good of the people instead of hiding behind his uniform for petty advantage. He should be aware that all of the powers he now enjoys, exist only for the time he holds the top position. There is no point trying to be the most ideal policeman Sri Lanka ever produced after retirement. Therefore, it is imperative for the IGP to be fair to all in discharging his duties, bearing in mind that he, as a public officer, has a responsibility to the general public.
Government’s economic impotence
Besides this, the political landscape in the country seems to be changing once again with Arumugam Thondaman and his party members taking oaths as Ministers and deputy ministers in the present set up, which will further push the UNP’s plan to defeat the government during the November budget. With the CWC joining the government ranks, the equation in Parliament has changed to 117 members for the government and 107 members for the opposition with the scale tilting more towards the ruling party.
Although Thondaman was not too happy with the portfolio he received, he accepted the same old subject allocated to him on the promise of a better portfolio in an impending cabinet reshuffle some time after the Budget, or in early January.
The President is making every effort to see that his government is stable despite the claims made by the main opposition that it is shaky and would fall at any moment, owing to the present status of the government’s economic management.
It is true that the government is facing a severe economic crisis and trying to find ways and means to overcome the problem. The Marxist JVP on the other hand, is criticising the government for its economic impotence, while the government is making a passionate plea for them to join hands with them at least for a year. President Mahinda Rajapaksa made these remarks at the Vapmagul ceremony held in Nikaweratiya recently.
However, the JVP’s Lal Kantha was more sarcastic in describing the government and its programme of work when he said that the President was doing everything other than governing the country properly and putting the economy on the right track.
It appears that the government is clueless on the economic front, unlike the UNP, and has absolutely no idea how they should improve the national economy; this phenomenon has dragged the country into a grave economic crisis. On top of all of this, the President is resorting to popular measures, such as increasing the wages of estate employees, when the tea economy has not done so well in the past few years.
Notwithstanding all of the above, the immediate need of the President is to see that the UNP does not do anything untoward during the Budget, which would compell the President to dissolve Parliament and call for fresh elections, although now it is very unlikely the UNP could do anything given the present position of the party.
No confidence in ‘no-confidence’?
The UNP’s decision to move a ‘no-confidence’ motion against Minister Milinda Moragaoda was faced with opposition as some of the members had not shown a keen interest in doing so.
It was Magala Samaraweera and Sirpathi Sooriaarchchi who had come forward to settle the dossier against Moragoda. In fact, Moragoda had asked for an earlier date to debate the matter and finish it off.
During the initial stages, the UNP leadership found it difficult to convince some of its members to support the matter. Some were of the view that by doing so, they were distancing the members of the UNP democratic group whose support would be essential for the party at a crucial stage. One person who openly advocated the re-entry of the democratic group very recently was none other than the one-time main critic of Karu Jayasuriya and his group, Vajira Abeywardene.
However, in this instance, seniors such as Jayawickrama Perera, John Amaratunga, Joseph Michael Perera, and Amara Piyaseeli Ratnayake were not too happy over the move and the credentials of the people who have been chosen to move the resolution in the House.
UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe did not mind all that but, all the same, did not want to let the matter go before the Secretary General of Parliament with only the signatures of the two defectors from the SLFP. He wanted to add some UNP flavour to the resolution and got Dilip Wedaarchchi from the Hambantota district, to support the move in the House.
Wickremesinghe knows that Dilip is a close associate of Sajit Premadasa. He may have wanted to check the pulse of Sajit too when he selected Dilip Wedaarachchi. Wedaarachchi immediately fired a call to Sajit from Wickremesinghe’s office to ask Sajit whether he should sign the’ no-confidence’ motion against Milinda Moragaoda.
Premadasa, a matured politician, weighed the pros and cons of the situation then and there and told Wedaarachchi to go ahead if the leader wanted him to do so. However, there are misgivings on the part of the UNP parliamentarians over the ‘no-confidence’ motion against Moragaoda since Moragoda himself refused to sign a ‘no-confidence’ motion against Lakshman Seneviratne when he was requested to do so by Chief Government Whip Jeyaraj Fernanadopulle.
What is more interesting is to find out why the UNP moved to initiate a ‘no- confidence’ motion against Moragoda.
Insiders say it was because Moragoda was instrumental in organising a meeting between the President and the business leaders in Colombo, who are more or less UNP supporters and played an important role while Wickremesinghe was Prime Minister from 2001 to 2004.
The meeting was organised some time back, where top businessmen of the likes of Merril Fernando, Eran Wickramaratne, Mohan Pandithage, Nihal Jinasena, Sumal Perera, Shan Fernando, Irwin Weerakkody, Chrishantha Perera, Senaka Rajapaksa, and a host of others were present.
Wickremesinghe made discreet inquires, using mutual friends of the businessmen, and was satisfied that Moragoda was instrumental in the matter and that he was working against the interests of the UNP.
At the meeting with the President, the business leaders brought many matters to his attention, including that of liquor licences not being granted to several boutique hotels including the one located at the Bandaranaike home–‘Tintakel’ at Rosmead Place.
After the discussion was over and when the guests were about to leave, the President made it a point to single out Eran Wickremamratne, Irwin Weerakkody, and Chrishantha Perera and invited them to a separate discussion, where they discussed the current political situation in the country.
It was then the President told them that he was aware of the connection they had with UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe and that it should not be an impediment to serve the country when the need arises. Thereafter, he explained that whatever it is, he is the President of the country and Ranil Wickremesinghe is fighting his way to reach this position. He also said that the UNP has embarked on a virulent campaign against him at the moment.
The President basically sought their assistance to put the country right in the face of a severe economic crisis.
Most of the insiders of the UNP are of the opinion that the ‘no-confidence’ motion against Milinda Moragoda came into being soon after this meeting, which was seemingly detrimental to the interests of the UNP.
In the meantime, Colombo district UNP parliamentarian M Maharoof has written to the UNP leader that he would not be able to vote with the UNP if the ‘no-confidence’ motion against Moragoda is taken up as intended. Mahroof has ended his letter thus:
“I sincerely hope that we will not be requested to back the proposed no confidence motion against Milinda Moragoda since many will not be supportive of such a move.
Instead of creating more damage to our party by accommodating these two persons (Mangala Samaraweera and Siripathi Sooriarachchi), who in my opinion do not have much political value compared to the seventeen who have left us, it would be better to bring back those seventeen in order to build back party unity and strength so that we could be in a strong position to win a future election.
It may also be a better idea to offer the deputy premiership to a person who has contributed much to the party or consider personalities such as Rukman Senanayake and Sajith Premadasa, whose parents have contributed much of their life time to the UNP.
In finality if the said no confidence motion is taken up, we will be compelled to vote against such a motion, the reason being that Moragoda has been a personal friend and not encouraged political mudslinging on any individual, whereas in my opinion, Mr. Mangala Samaraweera’s credentials are questionable.”

****

Difence In The Week ! - The Nation

Prevalence of impunity alarming: Arbour

Sri Lanka succeeded in ensuring that a resolution on the country at the Human Rights Council Sessions, which ended on September 28, was dropped. However, country visits by top UN officials could not be prevented. In most cases, requests made to visit the country were turned into invitations.

Thus, just as UN Special Rapporteur on torture, Manfred Nowak, ended his weeklong visit to Sri Lanka on October 8, flying out on Tuesday morning, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Louise Arbour, coincidentally, flew in on a mission of her own.

Nowak is expected to submit a report, including his conclusions and recommendations, to the Human Rights Council.
During his visit, Nowak met Government Ministers and officials; the judiciary; the Human Rights Commission; parliamentarians; officers of the Attorney General’s Department; the IGP; and representatives of non-governmental organizations and international organizations. He also visited detention facilities.

The government now awaits Nowak’s report with bated breath. Nowak was previously a UN expert on missing persons in the former Yugoslavia, a UN expert on legal questions on enforced disappearances, and a judge at the Human Rights Chamber for Bosnia and Herzegovina. He also served as a member of the Working Group on Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances.

Following on from Nowak’s visit, Arbour who arrived on Tuesday and left yesterday, requested that Sri Lanka become a signatory to the new International Convention for the Protection of All persons from Enforced Disappearances.

“In light of the documented violations of international humanitarian law, Sri Lanka should seriously consider joining the 105 countries which have ratified the Rome Treaty creating the International Criminal Court,” said Arbour at a parting media conference.

Are there plans to haul Sri Lankans before this court for violating international humanitarian law?
For Arbour, the “prevalence of impunity is alarming”, even though she stated that her visit was not a fact-finding mission.
In 1982, a year before the riots broke out, after a soldier was shot dead in the north, furious Sinhalese soldiers went on a rampage—destroying 64 houses, buses, cars, and motorcycles. The Army High Command withdrew the mutinous unit to base and dismissed six soldiers. Some 90 soldiers who deserted in retaliation were sacked and six officers had their commissions withdrawn. That was the discipline then, and the international community kept hounding the Government on human rights violations both during the Northeast war and particularly during the crackdown on the JVP subversion to prevent a state of impunity.

However, it must be stated that policemen several months back who went berserk in Vavuniya killing three students, after the Tigers exploded a bomb, were brought to book and recently indicted. That is what the international community expects of the government.

The Government must realize that with the setting up of the Human Rights Council last year, the issue of human rights has been elevated to a higher status on par with security. It is possible that gross human rights violations by countries could be brought to the notice of the UN Security Council.

Compared to the visit of Allan Rock, John Holmes, and Manfred Nowak, the visit of Louise Arbour was less controversial. Of course, at the parting press conference, Arbour stood her ground that capacity building alone was insufficient to put right Lanka’s human rights record.

“One of the major human rights shortcomings in Sri Lanka is rooted in the absence of reliable and authoritative information on the credible allegations of human rights abuses,” said Ms. Arbour adding, that independent information gathering and public reporting was essential.

Human Rights Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe was careful to state that Ms. Arbour’s press statement was not a joint one, even though it was tabled at a joint press conference. He took a contrary view and insisted that a physical UN human rights monitoring mission would violate the independence and sovereignty of the country, and, therefore, was not required. He, however, persisted with a request for assistance from the UN in training and capacity building.
But, the biggest warning that Arbour gave the 10-year old local Human Rights Commission was that it may lose its accreditation to the international body governing these institutions.

Contrast this with the joint press conference the Minister had with John Holmes, which was very cordial. The cordiality however ended with the controversial interview given to Reuters. The Government felt that Rock, too, rocked the boat during an international press conference saying there was credible evidence to show military complicity in Karuna cadres abducting under-aged children.

The government subsequently appointed a committee to probe the charges after initially strongly disputing Rock’s claim. In the end, Karuna was packed off, albeit, temporarily.

Arbour reiterated that the UN High Commission would not force itself upon Sri Lanka, and would come only on invitation—even though her request to have a regional monitoring office in Colombo was turned down.
Ms. Arbour observed that her office is not like the UN Security Council, which can enforce its resolutions. There was talk that the Sri Lankan issue was likely to be taken up at the Security Council.

On the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict, India, which has been knocking on the Security Council’s door for a permanent seat, would do everything possible to prevent UN intervention here, even though it is not averse to monitoring of human rights in Sri Lanka as violations have a direct fall out at its own end.

Arbour had been keen on visiting Kilinochchi but the government declined in keeping with its consistent policy of depriving the LTTE of gaining any legitimacy through visits by UN officials. In the aftermath of the tsunami, too, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan was not allowed to visit Kilinochchi, home to the Tiger headquarters. This was during President Chandrika Kumaratunga’s tenure.

It was not long ago, during the previous UNF peace process, that India did not want to give the LTTE the legitimacy it sought during international meetings. India, on several occasions, turned down invitations to send representatives to meetings the LTTE participated in. But, at the Washington preparatory meeting in mid April 2003, where the LTTE was not invited, India sent a representative.

One of the first things Arbour did during her visit here was to meet up with representatives of the International Independent Group of Eminent Persons (IIGEP) and members of the Commission of Inquiry (CoI) on Tuesday morning.
Ms. Arbour stated that members of the Commission of Inquiry had intimated to her that State officials had failed to turn up when requested and that the lack of a witness assistance and protection system was a major constraint to their work.

Ms. Arbour also noted that the Commission would gain greater public confidence and support by conducting public hearings.
After meeting Attorney General C.R. De Silva, P.C., and a team of senior State lawyers at 9:00 a.m. on Thursday, Ms. Arbour proceeded to meet President Mahinda Rajapaksa at 11 a.m. Secretary to the President, Lalith Weeratunga, Foreign Secretary Dr. Palitha Kohona, Secretray Justice, Suhada Gamlath, Attorney General De Silva, Deputy Solicitor General Shavindra Fernando and Ms. Shirani Goonetilleke Director Legal Affairs Secretariat for Coordinating Peace participated at the meeting. (Ms. Goonetilleke along with the Office of the Commissioner of Human Rights arranged Ms Arbour’s itinerary). Responding to the issues raised by Ms Arbour, the President informed the High Commissioner that the public hearings of the Commission would commence soon.

The delay to commence the public hearings has been due to the lack of witness protection legislation. A draft for this law has already been prepared by the Attorney General’s Department based on inputs from various sources including civil society. Ms Arbour was told the Legal Draftsman was putting the final touches to the bill, which is to be referred by the President to the Supreme Court as an Urgent Bill.

The CoI will be completing its mandated one year in a little over a fortnight, and will wind up unless it is extended.
President Rajapaksa had told Ms. Arbour that instead of clashes between the Commission and the IIGEP, he would have preferred it if results were delivered as he has spent more than 100 million rupees of public money and was answerable to the people.

Some wonder whether this was a hint that the commission may not be extended and instead allowed to lapse early November.
As a former federal court judge in Canada, Ms. Arbour also paid a courtesy call on Chief Justice Sarah N. Silva. Justice Secretary Gamlath also participated in that meeting.

In her statement, Arbour said the application of treaties in domestic law has been questioned by the Supreme Court in the Singarasa case, and the proposed legislation (The Nation reported a fortnight back) only partially addressed the issues and risks, confusing further the status of different rights in national law.

On Tuesday after meeting the IIGEP and CoI, Ms Arbour proceeded to Parliament where she met the JVP, JHU, and UNP delegations, and had a one to one meeting with Leader of the Opposition Ranil Wickremesinghe.
Ms. Arbour also discussed several issues with Defence Secretary Gotabhaya Rajapaksa.

The visiting top UN official who was hosted to dinner by Human Rights Minister Samarasinghe on Tuesday night met him for a formal meeting the following morning. On Wednesday evening at 6:30 p.m. she met Foreign Minister Rohitha Bogollogama.
On Friday she flew to Jaffna for a two-hour meeting with various stakeholders. She met Jaffna Security Forces Commander Major General Chandrasiri and subsequently met Jaffna Bishop Thomas Savundranayagam, NGO representatives, and members of civil society. While in Jaffna, Ms Arbour had telephoned Minister Samarasinghe to arrange a meeting with political prisoners at Welikada who had undertaken a fast unto death. The press was kept out of the meeting with prisoners that took place after the noon media conference on Saturday.

While Ms Arbour’s request to visit Kilinochchi was not granted on a matter of policy, President Rajapaksa, on Thursday, had inquired whether she was keen on visiting the East, to which Ms. Arbour replied that it was not possible as she was leaving on Saturday.

Concerning human rights, Ms. Arbour is the most senior UN official to visit Sri Lanka. Internal displacement as a result of the war has led to another human rights issue that is to be addressed by Walter Kälin, Representative of the Secretary-General on the human rights of internally displaced persons (IDPs), who will also be visiting Sri Lanka.

Kälin’s mandate is to engage in dialogue and advocacy with Governments and other actors concerning the rights of IDPs, strengthen the international response to internal displacement, and mainstream human rights throughout the UN system. Among other things he has to report annually to the Commission on Human Rights and General Assembly.

On September 19, Kälin told to the HR Council that in order to ensure the full protection of the human rights of internally displaced persons, there should be a strong normative framework, political will, and the capacity to protect. He said the mandate to pursue dialogue with Governments, as well as to mainstream the human rights of internally displaced persons into all relevant parts of the United Nations, was a call to support the strengthening of political will for the protection of the internally displaced and their rights.
(See box story for statistics)

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IDPs: The statistics

According to the UN inter-agency standing committee, in the Trincomalee district, 1143 IDP families (3,778 persons) currently reside in the Kiliveddy transit sites; while 135 IDP families (493 individuals) from the Uppooral area are to be settled soon.
It has been reported that IDPs in Konesapuri have expressed concern about moving to Kiliveddy due to hardships in living conditions and difficulties in food assistance.
While, according to government statistics, the total registered IDP population in the Batticaloa district is 10,300 families (38,153 individuals).
The government has officially announced the return of IDP families to 5 villages in the Chenkalady division on the 18th and 19th October, with 2,523 families (9,158 individuals) scheduled to be resettled over these two days.
The Kilinochchi District Secretariat has reported that 12,517 families (48,512 persons) have been registered as IDPs in the Kilinochchi district since April 2006, while 9,060 families (32,323 persons) have been registered as IDPs in the Mullaitivu district.
In the Mannar district, there are 5,658 IDP families (21,368 individuals) displaced while 3,071 IDP families (10,302 persons) are displaced in Vavuniya district.
Following a Defence Ministry meeting, the Mannar GA states that no resettlement will take place in the Musali DS division before January 2008. 1,123 families have been displaced from the Musali DS division to the Nanaddan and Mannar DS divisions.
Following this announcement, the Mannar humanitarian agencies are planning to relocate the people from current welfare centers of Murunkan church, Nanaddan Rice Mill, and Nanaddan church to new locations.
The current welfare centers were established with limited facilities as a short term measure. With the onset of the rainy season people are to be relocated from low land to high land, in areas with more long term IDP facilities.
The IDP issue is the next big problem the government will have to address before the UN Representative on the subject arrives.

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Varaha sees action

The former Indian Coast Guard Ship, SLNS Sagara, finally saw action this week when she, along with the Navy’s flagship Sayura (also from India), and the Israeli built fast missile vessel SLNS Suranimala, sank what is said to be the last of the LTTE’s cargo ships. The encounter happened on October 7, 1700 km’s south of Dondra Point, in international waters.
The event marked the baptism of SLNS Sagara to the offensive OPV fleet of the navy, which has further being strengthened by its latest addition.
At a reception, Navy Commander Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda yesterday received and returned a salute in a ceremony that was not made public. Karannagoda took the opportunity to “pass over his deepest and heartfelt appreciation to the ships’ crews for their dedication and unwavering efforts in defeating terrorism by obstructing the transporting of lethal weaponry by means of destroying the floating arms warehouses.”
“The Sri Lanka navy has now gained ‘blue water” capability for the defence of the country from the most heinous LTTE terrorism,” states a Navy release.
On February 25 this year, The Nation exclusively reported that the Indian government had donated an Offshore Patrol Craft, the second of its kind given by our neighbour, to the Sri Lankan Navy.
The transfer of the Indian Coast Guard Ship (CGS), Varaha, to Sri Lanka has been a low profile matter with the Indian side not wanting to arouse passions in its important southern states over increased military cooperation with Sri Lanka.
The transfer was a marked contrast to the donation of a similar coast guard ship from the United Sates during the previous regime. The former US Coast Guard Cutter, Courageous, was commissioned as the Sri Lanka Navy’s Ship (SLNS), Samudura, with much pomp and pageantry. In contrast, the re-commissioning of CGS Varaha as SLNS Sagara took place sans media attention. CGS Varaha has been in service with the navy since last year while Sayura was undergoing refurbishment in India. However, with the return of Sayura to Sri Lanka, the Indian government, after some persuasion, agreed to transfer its coast guard ship to boost the island’s defences against LTTE weapon smuggling vessels.
SLNS Sagara is a Vikram class OPV, which was first commissioned in 1992. At the time of construction it was designed to be in service for 20 years until 2012. However, after some modifications, the vessel is expected to be in service for approximately 26 years.
The 75 metre long ship requires a crew of 100, including 11 officers. It can reach a top speed of 22 knots while having a range of 8500 nautical miles.
SLNS Sagara was a notable absentee in the naval flotilla that took part in the Independence Day celebrations in February this year. It was also not involved in the epic encounter on September 11, when four navy ships engaged and sank three LTTE weapons carrying ships. On that occasion, SLNS Sayura, the largest vessel of the navy—also purchased from India—along with SLNS Samudura, SLNS Suranimala, and SLNS Shakthi were involved in the operation. Although, the SLNS Shakthi is mainly used as a troop carrier rather than an Offshore Petrol Vessel (OPV), and is not ideally suited for an offensive mission.
The omission of SLNS Sagara in this sea battle had led some to believe that the Indian government had imposed certain restrictions on the use of its former vessel for offensive operations.

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More operations on the cards in Mannar

Pooneryn, Mullaitivu, and Elephant Pass were major military bases in the nineties until they were overrun by the LTTE in 1993, 1996, and 2000, respectively.
The military, which captured the Jaffna peninsula in 1995 courtesy of Operation Riviresa, managed to stall the advancing Tigers at the Kilali- Muhamalai- Nagarkovil axis in 2000.
But, exactly a decade back, in 1997, the military—courtesy of Operation Jaya Sikurui (victory Assured)—tried to regain the Wanni and the Mullaitivu areas. The final plan was to open up an alternative land route through the Wanni and Kilinochchi districts to link the Jaffna peninsula with the mainland.
The Army was able to capture the strategic towns such as Omanthai, Kanakarayankulam, and Mankulam, which were Tiger strongholds. But, the military lost Mankulam and Kanakarankulam in 1999 to the Tigers’ Unceasing Waves, although it managed to retain Omanthai, which has been the southern entry-exit point on the A-9 Road (the northern being Muhamalai).
In the current undeclared Eelam War IV, the major efforts by both sides to break the defences of its opponent in Jaffna failed. The military efforts to penetrate the Wanni west of Omanthai has also not been all that successful, even though it has managed to destroy bunkers and eliminate Tigers in its war of attrition where both sides have suffered casualties.
Prior to this, the military wrested control of the East with casualty figures on both sides comparatively low.
In its ‘central’ approach in the late nineties to wrest control of Mullaitivu and Kilinochchi, ground troops had two flanks to defend on either side of the road, which was no easy task.. In fact, the military is yet to fully recover from its Jaya Sikurui hangover.
The safer bet is to defend just one flank while advancing. For this, two other alternatives exist. They are inwards from either the Northwest coast or the Northeast coast via Weli Oya.
During the battles to wrest control of the East, the prime task of the Navy was to prevent the Tigers from sending reinforcements and stocks to the East from Mullaitivu.
The priority now is to prevent the Tigers from bringing in arms, ammunition, and other military ware to the country as the LTTE will naturally want to replenish its stocks after more than a year of fighting.
Attempts to do so have been severely restricted as three ships were destroyed barely a fortnight ago in the space of 24 hours, while last Sunday another was destroyed south of Dondra Head in international waters. (see box story)
On Thursday, the Navy destroyed two LTTE boats carrying war-like material including a remote controlled small aeroplane similar to an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) on the Northwestern coast. The craft were heading towards Vidattilativu, it was revealed.
Last week the military said it noticed an influx of civilians to this same place—Vidattilativu—and, according to defence officials, a humanitarian mission is to be undertaken like the one at Sillavataurai south of Mannar to rid the area of the Tigers.
The larger interest is to secure the northwestern coast and eventually to advance eastwards with naval cover from the sea. Eventually, the troops could move upwards to secure Pooneryn and Kalmunai Point, the artillery gun positions that have being wreaking havoc on the security forces and causing a threat to Palaly. But advancing towards Pooneryn is also no easy task as the Tigers could turn these same artillery guns on the troops. The 50 kilo-metre road from Mannar to Pooneryn is worth securing, sections of the military believe.
Military spokesman Keheliya Rambukwella himself, many months back, hinted at creating this alternative route to Jaffna.
Now that the Navy is in control from Foul Point down to Amparai, and there is no urgency for Tigers to penetrate the Eastern coast, the likelihood is to commence operations along the northwestern coast. And that makes sense given that the military has cleared south of Mannar along the coast including Sillwaturai.
Army Commander Lieutenant General Sarath Fonseka flew to Vavuniya on Friday (12) morning and met Commander Security Forces Headquarters Wanni (SFHQ-W) Major General Jagath Jayasuriya who received him on arrival at the SFHQ (W) helipad. He conducted the army chief to the SFHQ auditorium where senior ground commanders briefed him on the security situation in respective Divisions, Brigades and Units.
Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, who reviewed the security situation in the areas under SFHQ (W), issued further instructions to the ground commanders present. A section of Senior Officers of Army Headquarters joined the Commander on his visit.
It is likely that more operations in the Mannar District are on the cards following a Defense Ministry meeting with the GA Mannar. No resettlement in Musali DS division is to take place before January next year.
The Tigers are strongly resisting advances on their Forward Defence Lines in the Yodha Wewa, Vilayathikulam, Pokkarawanni, and Periyathampane areas. It is reported that small groups of the army, that infiltrated to the Vanni LTTE stronghold, have obstructed supplies to the LTTE.
The LTTE has launched a recruitment drive in the Vanni claiming that they are preparing for the final battle. This is probably in view of the LTTE Leader’s Heroes Day message on November 27 when he makes his annual announcement. Currently, the LTTE’s main objective is to safeguard its strongholds in the Vanni.
The military believes that the LTTE is preparing to launch sporadic attacks on the Welioya Forward Defence Line, which has been strengthened while a new brigade has been established and bunker lines created. There were sporadic attacks in the northern front for the third successive week, too.

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